The Kaiserreich Wiki
Register
Advertisement
One or more subjects within this article are under rework, and may no longer be accurate.
Lore Paths


Kaiserreich Commune of France Location Map

Commune of France

The Commune of France (French: Commune de France), officially the Federation of the Communes of France, is a syndicalist nation in western Europe. The Commune currently serves as the de facto leader of the Third International. Currently, France is led by President Pierre Monatte, head of the Travaillistes political faction. The Commune of France is bordered to the north by the English Channel, to the northeast by Flanders-Wallonia and the German Empire, to the east by Switzerland, to the southeast by the Socialist Republic of Italy, to the south by Spain and Andorra, and the west by the Bay of Biscay.

History[]

Development of French socialism[]

Much of the early history of the French left can trace its roots to the Paris Commune and the Franco-Prussian War. As the Germans surrounded the city, disgruntled Parisians, resentful of the weakened French forces, having suffered through a several month-long siege of the city, began widespread demonstrations against the government. Eventually, when news reached Paris about the surrender of 160,000 troops at Metz, revolutionary activists called for the resignation of key figures. When Paris was on the brink of famine and the French government negotiating a surrender, anti-government agitation was increasing, though revolution was not yet upon the city. By the end of the war, the Parisian populace had hit their lowest point and anti-government agitation was at an all time high, eventually culminating in a seizure of control by revolutionary forces. After a few months, the Commune, and its system, were officially dismantled by the newly formed French Third Republic. Despite this, the commune was enthusiastically received by many amongst the left for its seemingly effective implementation of socialist ideas and would go on to influence key figures such as Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.

Karl Marx would later reflect, in a pamphlet titled "The Civil War in France," on the events surrounding the shortlived Commune and how it served as a model for future revolutionary insurrection, a means of emancipation for the proletariat. Marx saw the assumption of arms by the disgruntled Parisians as an exemplar of his revolutionary ideals. But it also led him to another conclusion, that the working class cannot simply assume control of pre-existing functions of the state, and must instead rebuild it from the ground up.

Rise of anarcho-syndicalism[]

The repression of French socialism that followed the failed experiment in Paris crippled the left for years to come, while the SPD developed in Germany and the Trade-Unions grew in Britain. Those left in the wake of the uprising were torn apart by ideological factionalism, divided between the Marxist Jules Guesde and his Parti Ouvrier Français, and the French Trade Unions, encouraged by the mild success of Fernand Peloutier and his Fédération des Bourses du Travail. Discourse within the French syndicalist current had been quickly overtaken by newer anarchist activists, especially after the repressive "lois scélérates" of 1894. The following year, the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), disavowing any political activity, was formed at Limoges. The engagement was further bolstered by the agreement and signing of the Amiens Charter in 1906, affirming the dominance of anarcho-syndicalist tendencies within the CGT, embodied by its Vice-Secretary Émile Pouget.

Aided by the merger of Guesde's revolutionary allies and Jean Jaurès' social-democrats into the French Section of the Workers' International, the French left had grown increasingly prominent, helped in part by the Dreyfus Affair, which emerged around the same time the Weltkrieg began. While Jaures himself was an outspoken pacifist, after he was assassinated by a nationalist activist four days prior to French entry into the Weltkrieg his successor, Léon Jouhaux, abandoned such principles and agreed to join in the Union Sacrée with the outbreak of war, followed shortly thereafter by most of the rest of the leadership of the SFIO. Though by the end of the war, the Union Sacrée had all but dissolved.

Weltkrieg and collapse of the Third Republic[]

In the spring of 1919, a German offensive had broken through the Franco-British lines near Amiens, and though the front was eventually stabilised thanks to successful, albeit desperate, local counter-offensives, morale in France hit an all-time low. Though early protests amongst the ranks had been disarmed by the efforts of General Philippe Pétain, waves of mutinous tendencies and behavior had begun to spread uncontrollably throughout much of the French forces, with soldiers willing to hold the line as it was, but not to embark on what they saw as doomed offensives. To make matters worse, much of the French industry and war resources had fallen inro the hands of Germany, and the war machine was weakened by harsh government crackdowns on striking workers. Under pressure from their allies, facing growing unrest among both the populace and army, and taking notice of the outbreak of the Italian Revolution to its southeast, the French government finally agreed to an armistice with the Central Powers on 12 August. Alongside the armistice was a three month ultimatum to bring an end to the war. If the ultimatum was not met, hostilities between the French and Germans would resume.

Hoping to alleviate the deteriorating conditions of the workers, and put a stop to French involvement in the war, the CGT declared a General Strike shortly after the outbreak of mutiny amongst French troops. Many of those who mutineed had done so out of protest against the military leadership and their calls for further last-ditch counter-offensives. The demands of the CGT and their allies were simple, they desired an end to "the abominable war," an end to the current leadership, and for the bourgeoisie leadership to step down and hand over power to the executive wing of the CGT, the Comité de Salut Public and its leader, Émile Pouget. Despite this the Strike was initially unsuccessful, unable to seize power before the fall of Paris to German general Oskar von Hutier, made possible due to the turmoil caused by infighting.

The French Civil War[]

Main article: French Civil War

With the fall of Paris however, the nationwide General Strike turned violent, as frustrated Unionists became desperate to end the war before the Germans were in a position to occupy the whole country. Skirmishes with police turned into riots across much of the country, and the government was forced to resign, marking the beginning of a transitory period between the Third Republic to the Fourth.

This period was characterized by a dualistic power structure much like that of Russia between the Revolutions of 1917 - on the one hand, a Provisional Government of Liberals and Socialists, and on the other, the CGT, claimed a "legitimate right to power" via their Trade Union structure and a new system of local councils. (However, unlike in Russia - where the Revolutionary Left's gains proved ephemeral - in France, this provided the Revolutionaries with the chance for permanently taking power.)

This uncertain situation continued through the summer of 1919, until things came to a head in the early autumn, when the Provisional Government attempted to disarm and demobilize the French Army following the conclusion of a truce with the Germans. Fearing the Government was attempting to stifle the Revolution (the Army was largely supportive of the Left), the Socialist Party began a boycott of the Parliament, and declared itself an ally of the CGT, followed thereafter by a number of the more radical Liberals.

Following this decision, the Bolshevik Jacobins declared the Provisional Government an enemy of the Proletariat, encouraging Party members to begin a policy of agitation in favour of a "great purge of France, to forever destroy her class enemies". Inspired by Lenin and his revolutionaries and the outbreak of the Russian Civil War between the Reds and the Whites, gangs of working men and army units sympathetic to the Jacobin cause began to attack and loot the property of the aristocracy and upper middle classes - seizing land by force and holding the Establishment to account in revolutionary "courts".

Although they wanted to put a stop to this policy (they had hoped to negotiate with the Provisional Government), the CGT was unable to prevent the Jacobins from carrying out their attacks, or prevent an escalation of the crisis, as the Provisional Government gathered together the "forces of reaction" to respond with force and attempt a counter-revolution.

Consolidating the regime[]

Not wanting to see the revolution die, and simultaneously desiring to limit the influence of the Jacobins, the CGT was left with no choice but to declare war on "the Provisional Government and the forces of Counter-Revolution", and attempt to seize control of the entire country.

Taking full control of Paris, they formally concluded peace with Germany in the winter of 1919, accepting the annexation of the rest of Lorraine, the legitimacy of the new state of Flanders-Wallonia, and agreeing to pay a heavy burden of reparations.

Following the conclusion of the truce with the Germans, the CGT began to draft a new constitutional setup together with the Socialists, Jacobins, Anarchists and radical Liberals. Meanwhile, they had to fight the self-styled "Establishment" and "drive them into the sea", and try and prevent and limit the Jacobins' "hunt for the Bourgeoisie".

As the French Revolution reached its closing stages, Switzerland occupied Haute-Savoie before Communard forces could take the province. When the news reached Paris, the provisional government was outraged, but as Switzerland was backed by Germany, there was little France could do but accept the annexation as legitimate. Around the same time, shortly after Marseilles and Nice fell to the revolution, radical Communard forces occupied the small Principality of Monaco. Since 1920, it has been occupied by the syndicalist government.

Though they proved unable to counter the Jacobins' image as integral members of the revolution, they were able to largely limit their participation in arranging the constitutional setup of the new state. Through ensuring that leading Jacobins were often engaged in the conduct of the war, the CGT were able to cultivate and protect their own image as the Revolutions' legitimate political leaders.

Politics[]

Chairman of the Bourse Générale du Travail: Pierre Monatte (Travailliste, born 15 January 1881)

Chairman of the Comité de Salut Public: Marceau Pivert (Travailliste, born 2 October 1895)

Delegate to Foreign Affairs: Pierre Brossolette (Travailliste, born 25 June 1903)

Delegate to Internal Security: Charles Rappoport (Travailliste, born 14 June 1865)

Director of Services de Renseignements Généraux: May Picqueray (Anarchist, born 8 July 1898)

Chief of the General Staff of the Communal Army: General Henri Rol-Tanguy (Anarchist, born 12 June 1908)

Commander of Communal Ground Forces: General Jacques Doriot (Sorelian, born 26 September 1898)

Commander of Communal Navy: Marcel Déat (Jacobin, born 7 March 1894)

Commander of Communal Air Force: Antoine de Saint-Exupéry (Travailliste, born 29 June 1900)

The Commune of France is a socialist and syndicalist federal republic composed of the 36,000 communes of France and ruled by a dual structure, with the legislative powers going to the General Labor Council (French: Bourse Générale du Travail), and executive powers in the hands of the Committee of Public Safety (French: Comité de Salut Public).

The Commune of France is of a primarily Syndicalist construction, based around federated union organizations which emphasize worker control on an industry-by-industry basis. The Commune is, in fact, a federation of major cities, such as Paris, Lyon, Marseille, Bordeaux and Toulouse, each one ruled by a Bourse du Travail (labour council) which is directly elected by the citizens of the regional commune. The task of each labour council is to manage not only the general affairs of local government but also local military arrangements in the form of the popular militia.

The Chairman of the Commune is elected directly by the citizens and confirmed in their appointment by the Comité de Salut Public (rejection by the Comité demands a new election be held). The Chairman (currently Pierre Monatte) is the Head of State, as well as a leader of the Bourse Générale du Travail - which functions as a form of Parliament, representing the individual Communes that make up the administrative structure of the syndicalist France. The BGT is primarily responsible for forming a bridge between the national executive (CSP) and the local governments.

The CSP takes decisions at the national level, "uniting the efforts of the Communes", directing foreign affairs and organising the Garde Nationale (the professional element of the CoF's army). It too is elected by the general populace (though on the position basis that they must secure the support of a regional Bourse, via caucus, to make the short-list). The current Premier of the Comité de Salut Public is the Travailliste Marceau Pivert, who succeeded Pouget in 1931, following a turbulent election that led to a government of compromise.

Whilst the Commune of France claims to be fully decentralized, and fully endorses free elections to both the BGT and local Bourses as fundamental to democracy, the fact is that the CGT holds a position so dominant that her rivals have not seriously been able to challenge her rule since the Fourth Republic's foundation (managing at best to put the CGT in the position of a minority government), and the CSP remains by far the most powerful institution in the country. However, the CGT is not of a uniform opinion and is in fact divided into several "camps" of opinion.

Political Factions[]

In 1925 a powerful group was born, known as Travaillistes (Workers), inspired by the British system established after the successful British revolution. The Travaillistes specifically desire an extension of democracy by adopting many British constitutional arrangements, and though they have found strong allies in the Anarchists in their aim of reducing the CSP's power, they fundamentally disagree on the question of local government (as Socialists they would prefer the Bourses to be split from the Unions). They head the current government of compromise.

The Sorelians take their name and some inspiration from the theories of French anarcho-syndicalist thinker Georges Sorel. A minority in the CGT, they feel that the CSP was necessary only to ensure the successful establishment of the revolutionary state in its transition from a capitalist to a syndicalist economy and that the time has now come to hand national power from the CSP to the BGT, forging a more centralized state. They are currently lead by Georges Valois.

Outside the CGT remain the Jacobins, inspired by neosocialism as well as French revolutionary history. They desire that their tightly knit and structured organisation rid France of its anarchistic and syndicalist characteristics and form a "vanguard" to lead a neosocialist reconstruction. They are currently lead by Marcel Déat

There is also an Anarchiste (or Anarchiste Pur - Pure Anarchist) movement which takes both inspiration and "leadership" from the exiled Ukrainian revolutionary Makhno. Often considered an eccentric element of French political life, the Anarchiste movement campaigns for greater regional freedom in the make-up and constitution of local government, and a drastic cut in the legislative role of the CSP.

The Radical Liberals who boycotted Parliament with the Socialists in 1919 have largely been forced to emigrate as a result of persecution and victimization lead by Jacobin extremists.

In 1936 elections are about to begin within the CSP and one-third of the BGT - to elect, for example, the delegates for the army, foreign affairs, treasury, and of course the Premier. With Pivert considered "too weak" even by his own followers, the continuation of the CGT's political dominance can no longer be assured, and France looks to be standing at a crossroads.

Military[]

The Army[]

During the early years of the Commune, people's militias formed the bulk of the army as a professional army was seen as "anti-revolutionary" and "an enemy of the people's freedom". The Swiss Army was studied closely and the communes modelled their militia units on the basis of the Swiss cantonal troops. Weapons are kept in the central storage of the local commune (Délégation Générale pour l'Armement or the General Weaponry Delegation is responsible for the upkeep of these storages), where all members of the militia will gather should they be called to arms. Some communes (mainly the ones bordering Germany and Flanders) are required to keep their militias armed and ready at all times. This has led to the first standing army units being formed and trained in the border regions. The armored reserve is stationed in Paris and is under the direct control of the Chef des Armées. L'Armée Populaire de la Commune de France has modern equipment and is largely motorized. However, organization and co-operation with other branches of the military is a problem.

The Navy[]

During the Civil War, the French navy was divided as was the rest of the nation. There were some engagements between the nationalist and the syndicalist naval units, but most of the ships remained in their ports as fuel was scarce and the crews divided. After the civil war, the ships that followed the nationalists into Africa formed the Marine Nationale anew and the ships that stayed in France were the backbone of the new Marine de libération du Peuple. The navy has two main fleets, the Flotte de la Patrie in Marseilles and Flotte de la Normandie in Brest. The navy was severely weakened during the civil war and not much emphasis has been put into building new ships for the navy. The main purpose of the navy is to prevent landings into the southern and northern coasts (and the navy is such targeted quite solely against Germany and National France). the Marine libération du peuple has potential but is currently incapable of promoting the Commune's interests abroad.

The Air Force[]

The Armée de l'Air du Peuple is the air arm of the Armées Françaises. The aerial aspect of war was closely studied by the Commune's military minds after the civil war and has lead to a strong, medium-sized air force with modern equipment and well-trained pilots. Innovative generals like Antoine de Saint-Exupéry have developed organization and tactics for the air force and during a conflict, the Commune's air force can be expected to cause significant damage to the enemy.

Foreign Relations[]

The Commune of France is the leader of the Syndicalist Internationale, and maintains good relations with almost all socialist countries and major socialist movements (such as the Spanish CNT-FAI) around the world.

Very good relations with Socialist Republic of Italy and Union of Britain. the Commune of France supported the syndicalist revolutions in both countries.

Friendly relations with Mexico, Nicauragua and Azad Hind.

The Commune has territorial disputes with several of its neighbours: it claims the city of Dunkirk, controlled by Flanders-Wallonia, parts of Germany that were ceded in 1919 and in 1871, and the territory of Haute-Savoie, which has been administered by Switzerland since the outbreak of the French Civil War.

The Commune of France does not recognise the French Republic, currently based in Algiers, as the legitimate government of France. the British Government in Exile is not recognised by them either.

Poor relations with the Qing Empire, due to Paris's support of the Left wing faction of the Kuomintang.

Culture[]

One could say the French culture has gained some and lost some after the Civil War. Old masterpieces of art and music are labeled as "bourgeois" and "anti-revolutionary" and are banned from public display by many labour councils. However, new art-forms such as surrealism have flourished, fueled by the Bohemian art-circles of Paris and other major cities. Cuisine remains relatively unaltered, but the visual art forms have gone through a Revolution of sorts. Film, radio and many other innovations are being used extensively as means of providing cultural experiences for the masses. Many French intellectuals who found themselves at odds with the syndicalist regime fled to Algeria.

Economy and Production[]

The Commune of France follows an economic model best described as 'socialist, trade-unionist, semi-planned economy' France largely avoided the economic crisis that followed their civil war by following said model, being able to produce enough under the economic constraints to feed their people and to pay off some German reparations. The current Travailliste party opts for an industrialized civilian-based economy with militaristic elements, though many in government fear for the security of French interests and opt for a more militaristic approach. Particularly, rapid industrialization to modernize France and increase civilian, but more importantly, military production being advocated by many worker-oriented parties seems to be the direction of the economy, though the French Election of 1936 is said to be a point where the history of the Commune of France may forever change.

Advertisement